Presence of VTEC O26, O, O and O in beef cattle Presence of Campylobacter in pre-cut ready-to-eat salad Effect of different reduction strategies on the number of Campylobacter on broilers at slaughter level Presence and number of Campylobacter on turkeys during slaughter combined with antibiotic resistance testing Surveillance programme on antibiotic resistance in bacteria from foods DANMAP Listeria monocytogenes in ready-to-eat foods Vibrio in seafoods EU control campaign Total The content of these "Centrally coordinated projects" are decided each year through a process involving the central and regional authorities as well as the Danish Institute for Food and Veterinary Research.
Hispanic and Latino Americans of any race: Black or African American: Native American or Alaska Native: Native Hawaiian or Other Pacific Islander: Two or more races, widely known as multiracial: There is no option labelled "two or more races" or " multiracial " on census and other forms; people who report more than one of the foregoing six options are classified as people of "two or more races" in subsequent processing.
Any respondent may identify with any number, up to all six, of the racial categories. Each person has two identifying attributes, racial identity and whether or not they are of Hispanic ethnicity.
Hispanic or Latino origin[ edit ] See also: Race and ethnicity in Latin America and Ethnic groups in Latin America The question on Hispanic or Latino origin is separate from the question on race.
Latin American countries are, like the United States, racially diverse.
When responding to the race question on the census form, each person is asked to choose from among the same racial categories as all Americans, and are included in the numbers reported for those races. See the section on Hispanic and Latino Americans in this article.
Self-identifying as both Hispanic or Latino and not Hispanic or Latino is neither explicitly allowed nor explicitly prohibited. History played a part, as persons with known slave ancestors were assumed to be African or, in later usage, blackregardless of whether they also had European ancestry.
The differences between how Native American and Black identities are defined today blood quantum versus one-drop and political assumptions have been based on different historical circumstances.
According to the anthropologist Gerald Sider, such racial designations were a means to concentrate power, wealth, privilege and land in the hands of Whites in a society of White hegemony and privilege Sider ; see also Fields They related especially to the different social places which Blacks and Amerindians occupied in White-dominated 19th-century America.
Sider suggests that the blood quantum definition of Native American identity enabled mixed-race Whites to acquire Amerindian lands during the allotment process. The one-drop rule of Black identity, enforced legally in the early 20th century, enabled Whites to preserve their agricultural labor force in the South.
The contrast emerged because, as peoples transported far from their land and kinship ties on another continent, Black labor was relatively easy to control, and they became reduced to valuable commodities as agricultural laborers.
In contrast, Amerindian labor was more difficult to control; moreover, Amerindians occupied large territories that became valuable as agricultural lands, especially with the invention of new technologies such as railroads.
Sider thinks the blood quantum definition enhanced White acquisition of Amerindian lands in a doctrine of Manifest Destinywhich subjected Native Americans to marginalization and resulted in numerous conflicts related to American expansionism.
The political economy of race had different consequences for the descendants of aboriginal Americans and African slaves.
The 19th-century blood quantum rule meant that it was relatively easier for a person of mixed Euro-Amerindian ancestry to be accepted as White. The offspring of a few generations of intermarriage between Amerindians and Whites likely would not have been considered Amerindian at least not in a legal sense.
Amerindians could have treaty rights to land, but because an individual with only one Amerindian great-grandparent no longer was classified as Amerindian, he lost a legal claim to Amerindian land, under the allotment rules of the day.
On the other hand, the same individual who could be denied legal standing in a tribe, according to the government, because he was "too White" to claim property rights, might still have enough visually identifiable Amerindian ancestry to be considered socially as a " half-breed " or breed, and stigmatized by both communities.
The 20th-century one-drop rule made it relatively difficult for anyone of known Black ancestry to be accepted as White. The child of an African-American sharecropper and a White person was considered Black by the local communities.
In short, this theory suggests that in a 20th-century economy that benefited from sharecropping, it was useful to have as many Blacks as possible. But, others such as the historians Joel WilliamsonC. Vann WoodwardGeorge M. Fredricksonand Stetson Kennedy considered the one-drop rule a consequence of the need to define Whiteness as being pure, and justifying White-on-Black oppression.
Over the centuries when Whites wielded power over both Blacks and Amerindians and believed in their inherent superiority over people of color, they created a social order of hypodescentin which they assigned mixed-race children to the lower-status groups.
They were often ignorant of the systems among Native American tribes of social classification, including kinship and hypodescent.
The Omaha peoplefor instance, who had a patrilineal kinship system, classified all children with white fathers as "white", and excluded them as members of the clans and tribe, unless one was formally adopted by a male member.
Tribal members might care for mixed-race children of white fathers, but considered them outside the hereditary clan and kinship fundamental to tribal society. Virginia incorporated the Roman principle of partus sequitur ventrem into slave law, saying that children of slave mothers were born into their status.
But the colonists put Africans outside the category of English subjects. Generally, white men were in positions of power to take sexual advantage of black women slaves. But, historian Paul Heinegg has shown that most free African-American families listed in the censuses of — were, in fact, descended from unions between white women and African men in colonial Virginia, from the years when working classes lived and worked closely together, and before slavery had hardened as a racial caste.
The decennial censuses conducted sinceafter slavery was well established in the United States, included classification of persons by race: But, the inclusion of mulatto was an explicit acknowledgement of mixed race.
Three of the four surviving children entered white society as adults, and their descendants have identified as white.The United States of America has a racially and ethnically diverse population. The United States Census officially recognizes six racial categories: White American, Black or African American, American Indian and Alaska Native, Asian American, Native Hawaiian and Other Pacific Islander, and people of two or more races; a category called "some other .
Checklist of John Ford's themes and techniques, plus in-depth criticism. Cultural diversity is a form of appreciating the differences in individuals.
The differences can be based on gender, age, sex, ethnicity, sexual. Title Authors Published Abstract Publication Details; Analysis of the CLEAR Protocol per the National Academies' Framework Steven M.
Bellovin, Matt Blaze, Dan Boneh, Susan Landau, Ronald L. Rivest. Last week, Ben Goertzel and his company turned on a hedge fund that makes all its stock trades using AIno human intervention required.
Energy and the Human Journey: Where We Have Been; Where We Can Go. By Wade Frazier. Version , published May Version published September